Christopher Clark

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Sir Christopher Munro Clark ist ein in Großbritannien lebender australischer Historiker. Christopher Clark lehrt als Professor für Neuere Europäische Geschichte am St. Catharine’s College in Cambridge und arbeitet als Regius Professor of History. Sir Christopher Munro Clark (* März in Sydney) ist ein in Großbritannien lebender australischer Historiker. Christopher Clark lehrt als Professor für. Christopher Clark, geboren , lehrt als Professor für Neuere Europäische Geschichte am St. Catharine's College in Cambridge. Historiker Sir Christopher Clark reist einmal um den Globus und besucht UNESCO-Welterbestätten. Datum: Verfügbarkeit: Leider kein Video​. Der Historiker und Autor Christopher Clark ("Preußen") zeichnet in "Die Schlafwandler" ein neues und differenziertes Bild der ursächlichen.

Christopher Clark

Christopher Clark, geboren , lehrt als Professor für Neuere Europäische Geschichte am St. Catharine's College in Cambridge. Sir Christopher Munro Clark ist ein in Großbritannien lebender australischer Historiker. Christopher Clark lehrt als Professor für Neuere Europäische Geschichte am St. Catharine’s College in Cambridge und arbeitet als Regius Professor of History. Der Star-Historiker Christopher Clark spricht im Interview über die menschlichen Lehren aus Corona. Und: Wie wir uns und die Welt noch.

Christopher Clark was educated at Sydney Grammar School between and , the University of Sydney where he studied History, and between and the Freie Universität Berlin.

His Cambridge University professorship in history followed in Evans as Regius Professor of History at Cambridge.

In the Birthday honours of June Professor Clark was knighted on the recommendation of the Foreign Secretary for his services to Anglo-German relations.

As he acknowledges in the foreword to Iron Kingdom , [5] living in West Berlin between and , during what turned out to be almost the last years of the divided Germany, gave him an insight into German history and society.

Clark's academic focus starts with the History of Prussia , his earlier researches concentrating on Pietism and on Judaism in Prussia , as well as the power struggle, known as the Kulturkampf , between the Prussian state under Bismarck and the Catholic Church.

From this his scope has broadened to embrace more generally the competitive relationships between religious institutions and the state in modern Europe.

Professor Clark's best-selling history of Prussia Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, — ; London: Penguin , won several prestigious prizes and its critical reception gave him a public profile that reached well beyond the academic world.

Clark remains in the youngest ever recipient of this triennial prize, and the only one of the winners not to have approached his work as a mother-tongue German speaker.

In 17 chapters covering pages, Clark contends that Germany was "not the fulfillment of Prussia's destiny but its downfall".

In this way the book powerfully rebuts the traditional Sonderweg bandwagon, whereby throughout the twentieth century mainstream historians have placed great emphasis on the "differentness" of Germany's historical path, before and during the nineteenth century.

Clark downplays the perceived uniqueness of the much vaunted reform agenda pursued by Prussia between and He believes that the political and economic significance of the German customs union , established in , came to be discovered and then overstated by historians only retrospectively, and in the light of much later political developments.

Röhl 's three-volume biography of Wilhelm. The book challenges the imputation, hitherto widely accepted by mainstream scholars since , of a peculiar "war guilt" attaching to the German Empire , instead mapping carefully the complex mechanism of events and misjudgements that led to war.

Risks inherent in the strategies pursued by the various governments involved had been taken before without catastrophic consequences: this now enabled leaders to follow similar approaches while not adequately evaluating or recognising those risks.

Among international experts many saw this presentation by Clark of his research and insights as groundbreaking. In Germany itself, where the book received much critical attention, reactions were not all positive.

Volker Ullrich contended that Clark's analysis largely disregards the pressure for war coming from Germany's powerful military establishment.

Warming to his theme, Wehler attributed the sales success of the book in Germany to a "deep seated need [on the part of German readers], no longer so constrained by the taboos characteristic of the later twentieth century, to free themselves from the burdensome allegations of national war guilt".

Christopher Clark is also the co-editor with Wolfram Kaiser of a transnational study of secular-clerical conflict in nineteenth-century Europe Culture Wars.

In , Clark was embroiled in controversy surrounding his report, commissioned by the head of the Hohenzollern family, Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prussia , on the Hohenzollern family's relations with the Nazis.

The report was in support of the family's claims for compensation under a German law allowing restitution for the loss of property confiscated by the German Democratic Republic on condition that the claimants or their ancestors had not "given substantial support" to the National Socialist or East German Communist regimes.

Clark acknowledged that expressions of support for the Nazis had been made by the last Kaiser's eldest son, Wilhelm , the most senior member of the former dynasty in Germany in the s and s and the owner of the Hohenzollern properties.

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Neither of us wants to see castles and parklands disappear from public ownership into the hands of the former reigning family. I have never supported these claims and I do not do so now.

His appalling personal reputation, his silliness and low intelligence, his lack of any formal office from which to exert political traction, and his isolation, even from the monarchist networks that might have been expected to support him, meant that he was in a poor position to contribute significantly to the disaster that befell Germany in Even Stephan Malinowski, the leading expert on this question worldwide, initially agreed with my assessment.

His remarkable study on the German aristocracy and the Nazis, Vom König zum Führer , thronged with aristocratic collaborators but left the Hohenzollern prince on the margins.

Since then, the picture has changed. Through painstaking research over the last few years, Malinowski has unearthed a plethora of new sources showing beyond doubt that the crown prince, though never a collaborator of the first rank, was a more proactive supporter of the Nazis than we thought.

No historian can control how arguments are politically construed by readers, of course, but the claim that my German ones are all conservative nationalists is laughable, and I have publicly disassociated myself from the machinations of the Hohenzollern lawyers.

My late grandfather Salman Schocken was the owner of a department store chain in Germany known as Kaufhaus Schocken, which was confiscated by the Nazis in Four German banks—the most important ones in Germany—appointed directors to the board to replace the Jewish owner-directors.

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